Gianfranco Fini 's editorial yesterday Ernesto Galli della Loggia directly addresses, without hypocrisy and hesitations, the situation in which there is the Italian center. Next to the very critical reflection of the PDL, is also addressed the question of future leadership of the Italian right and being directly called into question I must answer.
Galli della Loggia illustrates with clarity the problem that long since terminated by scholars and observers who recognize in the so-called Finian, and I have repeatedly place, or that the leadership did not allow Berlusconi, and perhaps even wanted, to create a real party "organized and structured as such, the bearer of needs, the center of relationships with different personalities and environments, developing proposals, collector of ideas" and "effective center of decisions binding on all, for its leaders. " Perhaps my long experience as head of a party's true, where the exercise of leadership and hierarchy have always done to deal with internal pluralism and competition, has made me more refractory to accept non-party that the party has become the People of Freedom.
But this experience I am reproached by Galli della Loggia, which I summarily dismisses as "the last secretary of the neo-fascist." I do not deny what I was, I do not deny my past. In that past, cherish the firm conviction that politics is primarily an instrument of the national community and its citizens and in a broader perspective, a tool that can help build a better future, more secure and more prosperous for all.
However, I claim the right to change their minds and assume all responsibility. It happens to change my opinion, when you posed with humility and without bias in the face of things in life, history, changes that affect the society in which we live. And in my path, but also political existence, I led my party to change. I believe in good faith to have achieved the results: not only was the last secretary of the Social Movement, I was also the first of the National Alliance, the author of Fiuggi and arduous road that followed. When I went to Israel was through the full and deep understanding of the tragedy of the Shoah and responsibilities of fascism that I began to see with new eyes the past, present and future. And so did those who followed me from the right in this long and important journey. In this adventure, personal and political have also met new companions, that I am today and close, but with other political histories behind them, today I share the hope of a different Italy.
Galli della Loggia also accuses me of being "more and more immersed in the whole scenario of the dying old First Republic." I do not feel immersed in that scenario, I feel I am part of a short story, the history of our country, the story of a country that has transited from a situation political and cultural conditioning of the authoritarian past, the Cold War and the major parties "Church" to a stage where the modernization of politics and society and resistance to modernization that have lived together for more than fifteen years and continue to live with. I feel my son's time, this frantic, I'll load my story, but I look forward.
consider that of the First Republic, a cycle that is closed and the challenge is precisely to be able to operate in their own time and to pay the epoch-making changes that we have to govern and transform them into opportunities, not to be overwhelmed. Italy deserves it and the political class not can drown in the present or worse still reproaching the past.
The bet we made with Future and Freedom is hard to win, but not impossible. We need to move between traditionalist resistance, represented by more powerful corporate interests and cultural trends to the preservation of an old way - consensual and consociational - of politics, and modernization of age and "spoiled" by an anti-political discourse has marginalized any serious rules, their innovation and the means of doing politics, from political parties, but new solid and rooted.
Perhaps, as we move into this narrow space, we have given the impression to slip in "dusty rules of Italian democracy, its tics, its taboo." Maybe we made mistakes in communication, because I'm not sure those rules, those tics and these taboos that we want to preserve.
If today we insist on the issue of legality, it is because in Italy the respect of the rules is increasingly considered an option, not a duty, in society as part of the political class, and incidence of wrongdoing and corruption is now become a major problem for development and recovery of our society and our economy. However, we are well aware that this should not and can not result in mere conservation and also requires a profound rethinking of the functioning of our judicial system, which should not appear punitive to those who work within it, nor be subject to corporate vetoes.
We are interested in a new way of doing politics, where both leaders and the competition between projects and intercropping between oligarchs to inform him of the political system. Why not look at the second part of the Constitution as a totem untouchable and we support institutional changes that lead to the partial completion transformation in the sense majority of our country. And we recognize, therefore, the great contribution that the descent into the field of Silvio Berlusconi gave his time to the polarization system, although we can not but feel disappointed by broken promises of what in 1994 looked like a true liberal revolution and modernization, which unfortunately have not seen up to now no lasting trace. At the same time, we believe it is important to ask about what can be an effective balance of powers, and do not think that recall the need for an effective and well-functioning Parliament (which face each other openly and without confusion of roles that a majority rules and an opposition that is prepared to do so in the future) is in contradiction with the need for strong government and ability, to each is guaranteed its role in mutual respect.
Galli della Loggia concludes that the resignation of Berlusconi would be the only political change, though "muddy", the lot fell to Italy. I do not know if it's true, but what is certain is that we can not stay where we are still, after 16 years from '94, in the midst of transition. We want to look ahead, we will stand with all those. And, because we believe in the crucial rules, institutions, political parties, we would like the existence of a right of European-style, populist or not unanimous, but also a genuinely reformist left, should not depend only by men and from their lot. Or by Berlusconi, nor, it is clear from Fini.
leaders are important, very important in contemporary politics, but do not float in a vacuum, leaders can express their potential, without tying their fate to that of a country, only where there are good rules, good facilities and good policy . Today it is not, and I'm working with my record and my vision of the future in order to fill this gap. Presumption? Maybe. But it is still worth trying.
Published in Corriere della Sera of October 19, 2010
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