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Trust granted. Now a new party. Repayment

Alessandro Campi A few hours after the speech that Berlusconi will be in the House, after which it will ask the trust for himself and his executive, but it turns out that what the group will future and freedom is not at all clear. Will vote, abstain or will share in them?

on what the Prime Minister will say there are no great expectations. According to rumors, will not be the historical discourse - even breaking - that some had imagined. Intervention will focus on concrete issues, free of bitterness and polemical tone, high and noble as befits Parliamentary rhetoric, designed to achieve maximum consensus possible and to give the impression to the country that this government still has a job to do. Berlusconi certainly in a hurry to go to vote, having already set in motion his formidable electoral machine, but not on this today will run a single word. If anything, the play called, looking to the conduct that will keep his supporters old and new. Equally clear is the nature of the so called technical document that will be read by Berlusconi. Having called on Members to give a real vote of confidence it will not be as it was aired, a political-programmatic document developed and signed by the parliamentary groups of the PDL and the League, but a resolution submitted directly by the President of the Council and therefore by the government.

Now it only remains to understand what will be the choice of Finian? The difficulty in which they are - after having cultivated throughout the day yesterday the idea to abstain or even support its own document - is obvious. Having affixed the trust, they are asked to vote on it blindly, however, denying any political autonomy. Attempts to be involved in drafting the final document were defeated badly. The message that the Knight is planning to clear the center-right allies, there are two, not three. I do not Finian most part of the PDL, to be expelled, but they are treated as peons whose sole duty is to show the faithful and obedient.

the other puts them in a position to take in the event of a negative vote, which could also create a traumatic division within them, the responsibility of breaking a parliamentary political-which could lead the country straight to early elections. Be clear, confident Berlusconi has not only wanted to build a trap for Finian. He also wanted to protect himself, apparently not safe, despite the maneuvers of these days, they can count on a majority alternative that resulted in his time at the polls. In any event, if any parts are missing the votes will always say that the fault is not his but who has betrayed the popular vote.

those circumstances the Finian at the end can only vote of confidence, as was agreed at the time. But this does not solve their problems, rather complicates them, postponed making a clear decision on what they intend to do in the immediate future. entrenched as today will, upon the duty of loyalty to the voters, distinguishing it from the unconditional loyalty to the head of government, it is very clearly a rhetorical device. The vote of confidence can certainly be presented as an act of responsibility, but it can also be interpreted as a humiliating vote sight unseen, as a sad return to the ranks after they had promised for weeks and made havoc of the final accounts. Much ado about nothing, say Di Pietro, who was the first with a simple argument but inevitable, he nailed the Finian their risky contradictions have moved the battle to Berlusconi, accusing him of every wickedness, but did not draw the obvious consequences on the political -Member.

To break the deadlock, to avoid giving the impression of wavering and inconsistent, to make sense of political confrontation that we have seen in recent months, should we understand what they will do the day after voting trust at the time same forced and unnecessary. Today, nothing will happen to traumatic but all are aware that the final clash between Fini and Berlusconi has only been postponed and that the early vote is still around the corner will be decided at the first encounter accident or parliament. If this is the picture, the only sensible decision for Finian would be to accelerate the birth of a new short and started to give up the idea that through the parliamentary guerrilla can eventually reach a political agreement with Berlusconi. A new party is certainly a challenge, but on balance it is also a choice. And you really do not understand how this perspective we can continue to procrastinate or to send unequivocal signals.

For Finian to be re- accepted in the PDL simply not talked about: who is really a naive hope. To be considered as independent parliamentary group, the third leg of the majority still less. Mr Berlusconi has no intention to recover the political element as Finian independent of the center, but rather to redraw the Finian individually, relying on the contradictions and divisions of a group in which the differences in tactics and threaten political horizon, as seen in these days, add up disastrously with dislikes and personal rivalries that have always characterized this policy.

Only one party - led directly to Fini, which should now seriously consider to resign from the House to return more freely and actively in the political struggle - could restore unity and compactness, as well as a clear political horizon at last, in a front or face a slow disintegration and that if he wants to survive, must be convinced to play all his papers in the palace but not in the streets, Italians explaining what exactly is this "new right", other than by Berlusconi, of which we have talked for months and whose flagship Fini himself has been done. The center in its original configuration no longer exists. The split between Fini and Berlusconi is no longer modular. Why not draw up at the bottom of the consequences, accepting the risks but also opportunities that every serious policy option entails?

Published on The Reform of today

September 29, 2010

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Published in Gazette No 36 of 01/09/2010

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There is no time to defend the status quo

John Guzzetta Dear President Fini I would write memory of the many common battles for institutional renewal of our democracy. There are great expectations for his speech at the Party Tricolore. Some have already expressed a definitive (positive or negative) about the choices that she and those who support it have made in recent months. Others, however, and I believe are the majority, that the proceedings were pending, waiting to know more precisely what political perspective she proposes to pursue. I think that the doubts and the doubts of those who look to the policy still retains a selfless attitude also derive from the context in which today's events place us. Italy is going through a very difficult time. For the first time, after several years, the prospect is not so clear. What seemed like a ford between the First and Second Republic, it is to many as a result of which you can not see the landing. And they make their way, his chest swelled, the voices of those who, from day one, they have bet on the failure of the bipolar system and the modernization of politics. Concerned, and as more than before, and bloated, breast swelling in the role of Cassandre stories, they would like to credited un'antistorica reading of events, according to which all depend on the evils of Italy from having left the shores of the First Republic myths in which citizens docile relied messianically the alchemy of the parties, custodians and interpreters of the general will. It matters little if those parties formed governments and destruction on the heads of voters, regardless of whether squander public resources to build up a consensus on drugs, no matter whether the public debt increased dramatically, a burden on future generations. She is credited, along with others, starting with Berlusconi and Prodi have agreed to play another game in Italian politics. To have bet on change, to liberate our country from the undertow of a political system almost over, what was the first republic. Today, however, for many reasons, again the question of which game you want to play. The challenge seems to be opening and alternatives are again those of the direction to take. I am increasingly convinced that the crisis of the Second Republic did not depend on what did or did not want do on the road of innovation, not that that road was wrong. The Second Republic is in crisis because it is an unfinished, underpinned by a permanent state of emergency that has never become normal. In this "Unfinished" still a traditionalist and hypocritical rhetoric about the quality of institutions, though - just because you think clearly for a historical period is now light years away (the Cold War) - now shows all its weaknesses. In this "unfinished" has been no contribution to the building up of moderate parties of bipolarity. They, so far, have preferred to gain their approval demonizing the democracy of cultivating nostalgia for maneuvers Parliamentary and balance neocentrista and preferring erode rather than build. In this "Unfinished" major parties have proved to be still largely inadequate to the role of pillars of a modern democracy and therefore able to contain themselves in the physiological internal dissent. The prevailing fear instead of being paralyzed or failure of those disagreements consociational forms of fireplaces and summits. In this "unfinished", finally, nobody, really nobody was able to renounce the use of veto powers to incapacitate those who make our democracy so often impotent and ineffectual, but then require the use of instruments and improvisations to an emergency. is at this crossroads that lie do the questions and expectations about its decisions. not for me to enter into the merits of the more purely political. I will just say that today there is great need of courage. We need to take what is left unfinished. Winning the hypocritical defense of the status quo in the name of the rhetoric of "clash of civilizations" between Berlusconi and antiberlusconiani and openly address the frown of outraged orthodoxy Vestal nostalgic. She was a supporter of the draft presidential election law of the change of direction in single-member constituency, the overcoming of bicameralism equal, the reduction in the number of parliamentarians, better and more modern definition of the relationship between majority and opposition, a more balanced relationship between the state powers. We know too well that without effective institutions and modern materials, none of the problems that beset the people can be truly solved. And we know that politics has an enormous need for personal responsibility and change. Federalism and presidentialism, with proper judicial reform, could be a good balance to ensure efficiency and protect national unity. It is time to resume the battle. It is time for Italy to open a truly constituent phase, abandoning the illusion that politics can always compensate and no structural deficiencies of an inadequate institutional and thus increasingly de-legitimized in the eyes of citizens. And as this may seem utopian to the limit in the red-hot climate of today, we must not forget that the realism of having to navigate - which all are tempted - can kill the ambition and passion for great things, that move civic engagement. Without them, politics is reduced to the existing administration. I am sure that this platform can be found at many convergences in politics and civil society, beginning with the majority that you claim. It is a way to keep up with pride to take the lead and remove all doubt that our bet was too bold for Italy. Giovanni Guzzetta Source

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Waiting Mirabello. Yet the street is already marked in the country




Alessandro Campi Fini's speech that take place in Mirabello on September 5 is charging excessive expectations frankly, as though we were up for a few turns of history, those destined to change forever the course of Italian politics. What to say to his fans old and new and certainly curious that, given the climate of curiosity increasingly flocked to the town of Ferrara? Announce the birth of a new party, as many expect, or simply to set conditions for his return to the PDL? Beat hard on Berlusconi, as many fear and others hope, or tend the proverbial olive branch? He will speak only of politics or even make a mention of his private affairs? Use words and fiery tones of tribune, by comiziante consumed, or it will show a calm and cautious as the institutional role and the delicacy of the moment require?

The Speaker does not speak in public for over a month since the press Berlusconi has launched its tabloid, that if he has not had the hoped for political effect - Fini's resignation from his current office - but has objectively helped tarnish the public image. After so long a silence, broken only by an official told the agency in the days most fiery controversy, after a hammering of accusations and insinuations in many ways unusual, and also no sign of ceasing to expect from him a decisive and enlightening, which is not only a brilliant exercise in rhetoric, is actually the minimum.

If the fabric of a political leader can be seen in difficult times is therefore understandable that the friends and foes lying in wait to finally understand what he has in mind and what it intends to do in the near future. But from here to imagine, for next Sunday, a firework or something that frankly surprising move there runs. Also because the political path of Fini, for those who have followed the steps in the past two years, who understands what really happened in recent months and weeks, in many ways is already sealed.

Fini, quite simply, at some point in his career has taken a position in the center politically antagonistic than Berlusconi, judging sold out in many ways the driving force and innovative capacity of Berlusconi and having meanwhile developed different ideas from the latter on many subjects: from immigration to the constitutional reforms, justice to the national question, from bioethics to the model of the party. The competition between the two, often touted for personal disputes, often wound up using categories such as treachery and betrayal, in fact, has always focused on questions of method, content and style of politics. To a certain point it was held, in an entirely physiological, within the perimeter of the PDL, in which Fini has always claimed for itself - as the founding of the party - and a critical minority, consistent with the character plural and inclusive, at least on paper, this new political education.

But his positions, always treated with disdain and annoyance, never discussed the substance, at one point were considered not only eccentric and needlessly provocative, but also incompatible with the nature and substance personalistic and charismatic owner of the PDL , especially when Fini took the issue to flaunt the law. There followed a dramatic break in the facts that led to his expulsion after a very summary procedure.

course, not all share a similar center in the reconstruction. The vulgate Fini Berlusconi does not confer upon any political design, as unrealistic, but criticizes the exclusive Berlusconi's desire to eliminate from the scene by any means, attempt to wear down by a debilitating guerrilla war and accuses the parliamentary side of working with prosecutors politicized. Which explains the political and media beating that followed, however, after many warnings and veiled threats very, forced removal of the component Finian. While it does not recognize any political value to the positions of Fini has finally opted for the path of personal discredit, blackmail and dell'ingiuria.

Mirabello and thus returned to the expectations many have for this appointment. What else should be doing if not on this occasion to reiterate Fini, once for all the reasons just political and cultural, not personal character, his disagreement with Mr Berlusconi, if you do not specify and clarify the contours of the "new right" to whose construction has so far mostly? Sure, there are at stake in the immediate short the process and the possibility of an agreement to save the term and avoid early elections. The Chronicles policies of those hours are filled with appeals for harmony and calls for a truce. There is talk of re-uniting the majority around a few points of the program and the possibility of including the rebels in the ranks of the PDL in exchange for their act of honesty was very similar in fact to an act of submission. We try to avoid in every way, worth the threat to return to the polls, the birth of a new party that many condemn Fini a final irrelevance.

But all these edifying intentions do not take account of the fact that the path taken by Fini, also joked that he has not in recent years, but at this point his detractors were right, it is now objectively different from that of Berlusconi: competitive without it necessarily being an alternative. Which means, incidentally, that nothing prevents the two continue a relationship, but having clear differences that divide them.

finiano The project, compared that hitherto pursued by the Knights, now assumes a different reading of the Italian society and history, use another language, interprets different institutional dynamics, conceived in another way the state and the rules of democracy, aims to involve areas of civil society outside the social bloc that has historically supported the Berlusconi. This project, at least on paper, is a candidate to collect in part the legacy of that but on a new basis.

The real surprise, but this negative and damaging to his political image, it would be if Mirabello Fini disavow this.

Published on Morning of September 2, 2010